Why Do America’s Race Riots Mirror Each Other?

By Frank Rich

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As some 37,000 fans streamed into Camden Yards for the Orioles–Red Sox game on the last Saturday evening in April, things were getting out of hand in Baltimore. The peaceful protests of the day were spiraling into bitter confrontations. Outside the stadium and nearby, rocks were being hurled at police and through store windows. If you’d caught these fast-breaking developments online, you might have been tempted, as I was, to flip on CNN. Cable news may not have a reliable nose for news, but it can be counted on to bear witness whenever it smells blood.

I should have known better. This was the night of the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington, D.C., and the network was giving it four hours of undivided attention. Government potentates, media folk, and a modest bounty of show-business celebrities were busy posing on the Washington Hilton’s red carpet on their way to the ballroom. The news happening 40 miles up the road might as well have been in Kazakhstan. CNN didn’t cut away to on-the-ground coverage or offer the obligatory split screen. There were, however, frequent glimpses of the anchor Wolf Blitzer at a prime table down front.

Yet, if you chose, as I did, to monitor these annual revels with one eye while following the Baltimore action on Twitter, you got both up-to-the-second snapshots of the latest urban battleground and a wide shot of the cultural chasm separating official Washington from modern America’s repeated eruptions of racial unrest. That chasm is nothing new. What made this particular instance poignant was the presence in the ballroom of our first African-American president, the Magic Negro who was somehow expected to relieve a nation founded and built on slavery from the toxic burdens of centuries of history.

The poor guy just can’t win. As Ta-Nehisi Coates wrote last year after the president responded with characteristic reserve to the clearing of Michael Brown’s killer in Ferguson, Barack Obama’s “blackness” has “granted him more knowledge of his country than he generally chooses to share.” Let him share too much of that knowledge, and he is immediately charged with playing the race card. Even a mild response to, say, the arrest of a black Harvard professor in his own Cambridge home can reignite recriminations from adversaries who stipulate that the president be color-blind (even if they are not). But Obama is a lame duck now, and at the Correspondents’ Dinner he let loose. He played straight man to the comedian Keegan-Michael Key, who arrived onstage to reprise his Comedy Central shtick as “Luther,” the “anger translator” charged with venting the outrage the constrained black president can’t express himself in public.

Read More Why Do America’s Race Riots Mirror Each Other? — NYMag.

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No conflict of interest in Freddie Gray case, says Baltimore state’s attorney

Associated Press

No conflict of interest in Freddie Gray case, says Baltimore state's attorney | US news | The Guardian

Baltimore’s top prosecutor has filed a blistering response to conflict of interest allegations raised by lawyers for six police officers charged in the death of Freddie Gray.

The defense lawyers have asked that a judge replace state’s attorney Marilyn Mosby with an independent prosecutor. They accused her of charging the officers with baseless crimes to prevent more rioting in the district represented by her husband, a city councillor, and say that she is too close to an attorney for Gray’s family.

Mosby’s response, made available on Tuesday, describes the officers’ motion as bouncing “from one ridiculous allegation to another, like a pinball on a machine far past ‘TILT’”.

“Whether born of desperation, the desire for publicity, or a gross effort to taint the grand jury and potential petit jury pool, the motion is absurd,” wrote Mosby’s chief deputy, Michael Schatzow.

The defense argued that Mosby hastily charged the officers to quash protests that gave way to violence in west Baltimore, where Gray was arrested and where Mosby’s husband, Nick Mosby, is a city councillor. Gray ran from police before his arrest on 12 April and died a week later of a spinal injury he suffered before he arrived at the police station. The unrest began after days of peaceful protests.

Schatzow dismissed this defense claim as “a truly breathtaking non-sequitur”. The “defendants offer nothing beyond speculation” as to why the Mosbys would be any different from any other law-abiding Baltimore resident in seeking “peace and an end to violence”, he wrote.

Read More No conflict of interest in Freddie Gray case, says Baltimore state’s attorney | US news | The Guardian.

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New York City’s Public-Housing Crisis

By Alana Semuels

For a long time, many American cities housed their poorest residents in giant public housing towers that had little going for them except for the fact they were affordable. Crime was rampant and indiscriminate, drugs were everywhere, and children who grew up in housing projects often had little access to educational opportunities that would allow them to live a better life than their parents did. Perhaps the most illustrative story of the horror of the housing projects was that of Dantrell Davis, the seven-year-old boy shot to death on his way to school one morning in the Cabrini Green project in Chicago.

Many of these projects are now gone. The HOPE VI program, developed by Congress and the Department of Housing and Urban Development in the 1990s, sought to dismantle huge problem projects and replace them with single and multi-family homes. Families received vouchers as the projects were torn down, allowing them to move to other neighborhoods, in a process that policymakers hoped would decentralize poverty. The Richard Allen Homes in Philadelphia, Cabrini Green in Chicago, the Techwood Housing Project in Atlanta, and dozens of others are now gone, replaced by smaller-scale housing developments.

Not so in New York City. Walk around virtually any neighborhood in New York, and you’ll see a handful of brick high-rise buildings, usually clustered around a small green space. Many are in need of dramatic investment: There’s Castle Hill Houses in the Bronx, which has 5,000 residents and needs $23 million of immediate repairs, according to The New York Times. Baruch Houses, the largest project in Manhattan, located on the Lower East Side, needs $241.9 million in repairs over the next five years.

Still, when Mayor Bill de Blasio today unveiled his plan for New York’s troubled housing authority, NYCHA, dismantling these aging towers was not a piece of it. The plan calls for charging more for parking, redeploying staff to other agencies to save costs and leasing land within the housing complexes to private developers to save money. As I’ve written before, studies have shown that residents of poor neighborhoods who are given the opportunity to move to higher-income areas or even mixed-income areas have better outcomes than those who remain in areas of concentrated poverty. HOPE VI might still be controversial among urban planners, but it’s hard to argue that decentralizing poverty from dilapidated high-rises was a bad idea. So why does New York City still have so many high-rise housing projects?

Read More  New York City’s Public-Housing Crisis – The Atlantic.

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Baltimore officer made Taser threat to witness who filmed Freddie Gray stop

By Oliver Laughland

Six Baltimore, Maryland police officers, Lt. Brian Rice, Sgt. Alicia White, Ofc. William Porter, Ofc. Garrett Miller, Ofc. Edward Nero and Ofc. Caesar Goodson Jr. were charged in the death of Freddie Gray. Gray was arrested by Baltimore police on April 12, 2015 and died on April 19.

Six Baltimore, Maryland police officers, Lt. Brian Rice, Sgt. Alicia White, Ofc. William Porter, Ofc. Garrett Miller, Ofc. Edward Nero and Ofc. Caesar Goodson Jr. were charged in the death of Freddie Gray. Gray was arrested by Baltimore police on April 12, 2015 and died on April 19.

 

The Baltimore police lieutenant charged with manslaughter over the death of Freddie Gray threatened to use his Taser on an eyewitness who filmed part of the crucial first stop made by a police van carrying the 25-year-old after he was arrested, according an investigation by the Baltimore Sun.

Footage filmed by a witness to the stop on the corner of Mount and Baker Street, where Gray was placed in leg shackles after “acting irate” in the back of a police van, shows Gray lying halfway out of the van. In the short clip, first reported by CNN and uploaded to YouTube in April, Gray does not appear to be moving.

This first stop occurred four minutes after Gray was initially placed inside the van. Officers completed paperwork over Gray’s arrest, placed him in leg shackles, and according to charges laid against all six officers involved in the incident, placed Gray “on his stomach, headfirst on to the floor” back into the van without a seatbelt.

The van went on to make three further stops with no medical assistance being rendered to Gray at any point, despite his distress and requests for assistance.

Gray suffered a severe spinal injury in custody and died a week later. Some have speculated that Gray was subjected to a “rough ride”, whereby a vehicle is deliberately driven erratically.

On Wednesday the Baltimore Sun interviewed the male eyewitness who filmed the video of the first stop, who did not want to be named, along with another eyewitness, 58-year-old Michelle Gross, and quoted from further extracts of the video that have not been broadcast.

Read More Baltimore officer made Taser threat to witness who filmed Freddie Gray stop | US news | The Guardian.

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How the Civil War Never Ended for Black America

By Sarah Anderson

Hundreds of African-American men marched to the White House this past Sunday. They were not wearing hoodies in honor of Trayvon Martin. They were not making the “hands up don’t shoot” gesture in honor of Michael Brown.

They were wearing blue wool trousers and greatcoats, forage caps and cavalry boots—in honor of African American soldiers who fought in the Civil War. Their aim: to correct a wrong made in 1865, when black soldiers were left out of the Grand Review, the Union Army’s victory parade.

1865? Seriously? With all the critically important racial justice causes of 2015?

“Everything about the Civil War is present tense,” author C.R. Gibbs told me. “This is not settled. Ferguson and Baltimore are just match flares on a long historical fuse.”

One need look no further than the U.S. Supreme Court docket for evidence of the Civil War in our contemporary lives. In March, the court heard a case regarding a request by the Sons of Confederate Veterans for a special Texas license plate featuring a Confederate battle flag.

In 2010, the Virginia public school system introduced a 4th grade textbook with bogus claims about thousands of loyal slaves fighting on the side of the Confederacy. The source? The Sons of Confederate Veterans.

Such disinformation is part of a broader neo-Confederate movement to deny that slavery was a major factor in the conflict—and to bury the history of African-Americans’ active role in their own emancipation.

Read More How the Civil War Never Ended for Black America | Alternet.

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Can Racism Be Stopped in the Third Grade?

By Lisa Miller

The form arrived in an email attachment on the Friday after winter break.“What is your race?”it asked. And then, beneath that, a Census-style list: “African-American/Black,” “Asian/Pacific Islander,” “Latina/o,” “Multi-racial,” “White,” and “Not sure.”

The email, signed by the principal of Fieldston Lower School, urged parents to talk about these categories with their children at home because the next week, in school, the kids would have to check the box that fit them best. “I know there may be some nervous feelings about this program,” the email concluded, but “I am confident that once you hear more details about it … the value and importance of this work will become clear.”

The parents at Lower, as it’s called, are a bighearted, high-maintenance, high-achieving group. They are also, by the standards of the New York City private-school universe, exceedingly liberal — educators and social workers, as well as hedge-fund tycoons. They love the school, and trust it, mostly. But this communication seized their attention. “I was like, Wait. What?” remembers one mother. Another quizzed her 11-year-old daughter as they were driving. “We have to go in our race groups” was how the girl explained  it. The mother hoped her daughter had misunderstood.

In recent years, under the direction of its principal, George Burns, Lower has come to look a lot less like the white, mostly Jewish Riverdale neighborhood that encircles the school and more like the Bronx in general. Just fewer than half the kids at Lower are white. Twenty percent are black or Latino, and another 20 percent multi­racial. The remainder are Asian or won’t say, making Lower one of the most racially diverse private elementary schools in New York. This has been a big change (when Burns took the job 16 years ago, about 20 percent of the students were kids of color), but as this parent body sees it, it’s all to the good. Lower has always been a progressive place, and in 2015, many are happy to see it as a kind of racial utopia, too.

Read More Can Racism Be Stopped in the Third Grade? — Science of Us.

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L.A. Becomes the Largest City to Boost Minimum Wage

By Bourree Lam

Tuesday’s vote to raise Los Angeles’s minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2020 is being called “the most significant victory so far” in the push to increase the minimum wage nationally. The City Council passed the ordinance 14-1, which will boost the current minimum of $9 in roughly

$1 increments annually over the next five years. The first increase would happen in July 2016, boosting minimum wage to $10.50 an hour.

The response hasn’t been completely positive. While labor unions and supporters of the wage increase are displeased that the ordinance will take place piecemeal over five years, small business owners—who have until 2021 to comply—complain that the nearly 50 percent increase will hurt their bottom line.

“The impact of the council’s endorsement of a $15 minimum wage is huge. Analysis of a similar earlier proposal, raising the rate to $15.25 by 2019, found that more than 600,000 workers—over 40 percent of the L.A. workforce—would ultimately benefit from the increase,” says Christine Owens, executive director of the National Employment Law Project, in a statement.

Read More L.A. Becomes the Largest City to Boost Minimum Wage – The Atlantic.

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White America’s Waco insanity: The shocking realities it ignores about racism & violence

By Brittney Cooper

Malcolm X, the famed Civil Rights leader and minister of the Nation of Islam, would have turned 90 years old this week. While America annually marks the significance of the life of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., it is only in Black communities nationally, and locally in Harlem, that we mark and celebrate the birth of King’s most formidable racial adversary. Undoubtedly this has something to do with the very forthright and unflinching manner in which Malcolm X talked about race in the 1960s. El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, as Malcolm X was otherwise known, did not have any hope that white people could or would change when it came to race. Although King was far less optimistic at the end of his life about the capacity of white people to change, too, he still has the March on Washington speech, which represented the zenith of his racial optimism.

Malcolm X was different. His unflinching honesty about the evils of white racism made even King, formidable orator that he was, scared to debate Malcolm in public. Though he eventually toned down his rhetoric about the people that he was known to refer to as “white devils,” he never backed down from holding white people accountable for their investment in and perpetuation of white supremacy. For instance, in a 1963 public conversation and debate with James Baldwin, Malcolm X told him, “Never do you find white people encouraging other whites to be nonviolent. Whites idolize fighters. …At the same time that they admire these fighters, they encourage the so called ‘Negro’ in America to get his desires fulfilled with a sit in stroke, or a passive approach, or a love your enemy approach or pray for those who despitefully use you. This is insane.”

And indeed we did get a front row seat to such insanity this week, when three biker gangs in Texas, had a shootout in a parking lot that left nine people dead and 18 people injured. More than 165 people have been arrested for their participation in this thuggish, ruggish, deadly, violent, white-on-white street brawl but there has been no mass outcry from the country about this. Though these motorcycle gangs were already under surveillance because of known participation in consistent and organized criminal activity, as Darnell Moore notes at Mic, “the police didn’t don riot gear.” Moore further notes that “leather and rock music weren’t blamed,” and there hasn’t been any “hand-wringing over the problem of white-on-white crime.”

Read More White America’s Waco insanity: The shocking realities it ignores about racism & violence – Salon.com.

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6 Words: ‘My Name Is Jamaal … I’m White’

NPR Staff

People make a lot of assumptions based on a name alone.

Jamaal Allan, a high school teacher in Des Moines, Iowa, should know. To the surprise of many who have only seen his name, Allan is white. And that’s taken him on a lifelong odyssey of racial encounters.

Those experiences prompted him to share his six words with The Race Card Project: “My name is Jamaal … I’m white.”

Allan grew up in southern Oregon, in a house on 18 acres with a commune on one side and a llama ranch on the other.

via 6 Words: ‘My Name Is Jamaal … I’m White’ : NPR.

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Fewer Americans Think They’re Middle Class

By Gillian B. White

tumblr_mdsy9hESN61qg4knbIf you had to place yourself in a socioeconomic class, where would you land? That’s a tricky and personal question for most Americans. Education, income, and even parental wealth can all factor into class status, but the borders of each group can still be hard to parse. That’s because socioeconomic class structure in the U.S. is a nebulous thing that can be as much about perception and comparison as it is about measurable metrics, like money.

One of the more common methods for identifying the “middle class” is to simply define it as the half of the population making more than the bottom quarter and less than the top quarter. In 2013, such rankings would consider households with income between about $24,000 to $90,000 middle class, based on data from the Survey of Consumer Finances. With a more comprehensive wealth measure—taking into consideration not only income, but total assets and liabilities—this middle 50 percent of Americans covers an enormous range: families who have anywhere between about $9,000 to $317,000. Which is pretty crazy given the vastly different realities of families on either end of those spectrums.

In recent decades, researchers have started to incorporate more subjective and relative analysis into the question of class, asking people where they feel they fit in rather than assigning them to a group based on finances and education. Their responses are telling, providing a portrait of how Americans feel about the country’s health and their own personal futures.

Read More  Fewer Americans Think They’re Middle Class – The Atlantic.

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